A Strategy for Cultural Export
Whether or not people outside the Western hemisphere are ready for change or not has been a hotly contested topic long before Obama began to make national speeches. Some years ago I was involved in an international project, which basically assumed that reform can be induced by way of offering channels for free speech.
By Spencer, January 28, 2009
Subtle Power Transitions, part III: An analysis of the cultural evolution of the male psyche from warrior clan to nation-state and beyond
The project involved high ranking academics, some of which were members
of councils answering directly to the White House Staff. Having
produced a draft description of the project, I suddenly found myself
under fire from such a prominent critic. His assertion was that it was
against the conclusion of all leading researchers in the field to
assume that increased exposure to Western culture or, for that matter,
industrialization and informatics had transformative effect.
I immediately sensed that he belonged to the conservative crowd. Perhaps it was his fervent Orientalism:
"We are objective. They [Arabs] are impassionate."
In
brief he saw no evidence that, for instance, the economic progress in
the Gulf States led to reliable democratic reforms. I had encountered
this attitude on numerous occasions. When I wrote an article about Arab
Renaissance, long before anybody else than Arab scholars would use the
term, commenters would write:
"Nobody believes in an Arab Renaissance."
Even
when Newsweek brought optimistic coverage of the region, highlighting
diversified economies, relaxed religious standards and emerging
democratic elections, many chose to still focus on Islamic terrorism,
on beheadings, on sharia law and on questionable conditions for
fsereign workers. The Muhammed Cartoon Crisis didn't make it any easier.
Still,
I was a student of history long before I became a journalist. I have
read volumes about every major civilization on Earth, from Sumeria to
The British Empire and beyond, into the arena of contemporary history,
where - according to experts - history as such still does not exist.
My
preferred genre is cultural history, because these authors tend to
focus on social conditions, enginering and architecture, infrastructure
and logistics, technology and development, mythology and rituals and
legal codes, systems of governance and various dynasties, clans and
classes of workers.
In other words, you get the complete
spectrum of factors that comprise a society, without the interference
of subjective views and political agendas dominating ordinary history
books obsessing over warlords and determining events. This teaches you,
above all else, that even the most sensational of events are transitory.
Going to journalist school and working as a journalist only reinforced this observation:
The trends that form the lives of the multitude are long, far longer
than morely a couple of generations, which is at best the scope of
journalists - and of many an academic in the age of journalism.
Exporting technology without culture
Today there is a lot of debate about whether or not China is ripe for change, change in the context meaning democratic reform.
The
pressure from the rise of BRIC has long haunted the Occident, as it is
taken as an ominous harbinger of the end of a unipolar world order in
which USA dominates the world scene on all parameters - economic,
scientific, cultural and military - and the era of democracy is
contested by superpowers forged in a completely different process of
development.
And it is a reasonable concern: Even if the
industrialization of the developing regions formerly known as The Third
World outwardly resembles the development in the West, there are
significant differences.
First of all, it is a copy cat
industrialization, where principles of automation and intensified
division of labour is implemented in packages rather than through a
protracted heuristic process. This also means that the addition to the
global pool of knowledge is limited, because the element of trial and
error is cut short.
It is, in a sense, development without experience.
The
other difference is the European history of critical philosophy, which
unarguably preceeded modernity and allegedly forged our cultural
tradition. The general vote, the division of power and the habeas
corpus sprang from the European enlightenment, and without it we might
be organized in a system of very productive barbarism - or not be very
organized nor productive at all.
The Lego Block Theory
The observation of the global pessimists is that a culture can
easily develop industry, instructure and high technological capacity,
including the really destructive ones, without making any effort to
reform society politically and culturally in the image of the region
that invented the technologies in first place.
According to this world view any technology and any political system
and any cultural code are vastly different systems, fundamentally
insulated from one another, but also universally applicable. Society
can be constructed by applying any preferred system to another, sort of
like Lego blocks.
You can, for instance, implement formal democratic institutions without
implementing civil rights. We call this a banana republic. You can also
implement market economy without implementing democracy. We call this
China. Or you can implement democracy and market economy simultanously,
creating a nation of vast social discrepancies like India or a
government challenged byorganized crime and extremism like Russia.
In the scope of the Lego Block Theory you can construct any monstrous civilization out of whatever available materials.
The Tianmen Square Factor
Without arguing in favour of an organic theory of development or
historical singularity, I would suggest that there are significant
limitations to the Lego Block Theory.
No system is universally applicable, and in fact no system is applicable to another without a process of accomodation.
Furthermore, the negative side-effects of trying to combine
non-applicable elements and of neglecting the implementation of
certain, inconvenient elements, are conspicuous.
Finally, the social responses to systemic imbalances and political
oppression suggest that there are revolutionary tendencies in any
society, even those who sanction dissent with imprisonment, torture and
dissent.
The Tianmen Square Factor, the very power of manifestations of protest,
should make us contemplate the factors behind dissent, universal as
well as culturally exported.
First of all the obvious: Increased globalization implicates
intensified communication on all levels. There is a spill-over effect
from any succesful culture. Just like some Europeans choose to become
Muslims, revolting against the moral relativity and social isolation of
the secular and materialistic West, Muslims leave the Middle East or
protest in their own homelands, inspired by Western cultures.
The three factors of revolution
Secondly, we must assume that there is a universal capacity for
dissent, rebellion and revolution in all men. Revolutionary tendencies
seem to take control of a society, for good and for bad, when three
specific row of factors are aligned: Income discrepancy, gross
immorality of the elite and fierce oppression of dissent.
When all three factors are present, revolution will take place, but not necessarily if only two are present.
The revolutionary breaking point is reached, when a majority of people
are predominantly dissatisfied, perceiving their ability to form a
family and succesfully secure their offspring is impaired by
authorities.
I recall an anecdote about Colonel Qadaffi from an American paper: It
recounted an incident, when Qadaffi served as the bodyguard of the
crown prince of the monarchy that preceded the Green Revolution. The
son of Idris I allegedly lost about a million dollar gambling. That's
when Qadaffi decided to coup.
I don't know if the story is true, but it is a great illustration of
the experience of decadence and the impact on a mind already drawn
towards revolutionary ideals.
Residual ideology in technology
Stanley Kubrick's renowned space epic, 2001, subtly suggests that
mankind is not only enhanced by its tools, but shaped into a completely
new being.
In other words, there is a is cultivating aspect of every act of applied science, even the deadliest weapons.
This should be obvious: Einstein complained that nuclear energy had
changed everything, except the heart of man. But in hindsight, in the
light of mankind surviving the long nuclear standoff between USA and
USSR, perhaps Einstein was behind the curve on this one.
How would we have the faith to go on, if the dominant impulses in man
was fear, anger and hate, leading to an ever downward spiral of
retribution? How would we even exist today, if this was the case?
So, there is a very simple rationale for hope: Our very existence
today, against all odds, proves the existence of a stronger force, and
elan vital - or, if you will, universal love.
But even more importantly, and even less obvious: There is a residual element of ideology in technology.
Whenever we export a cell phone, we encourage someone to talk. They may
simply be chatting, but even chatting is anti-authoritarian. You may
say, somewhat along the lines of Murphy's Law, that all communication
graduallyapproaches profanity.
China has just become the biggest user of Internet.
Not ready for change, but ever changing
So, while it is true that a hammer can be used to build a house, as
well as to kill a man, not every product of human ingenuity.
It is often said that "guns don't kill people; people kill people", but
this argument is slippery: Guns certainly do suggest that the user kill
someone more than, for instance, a DVD with office clipart. I am sure
you can kill a man with a DVD, but even in a world so full of tragic
and absurd news, I have still to hear about that.
On a tactical level this observation suggests that we can actively
shape the behaviour of people and their cultural preferences, beneath
the censorship of whatever big brother in charge of a society, by
examining what we export.
On a more strategic level it relates to the way we organize our
cultural export, including the globalized public diplomacy and more
formal diplomatic messages.
On a societal level it suggests that by designing, marketing and
choosing specific gadgets we also help form the culture in which we
live. A significant little invention is the finger print lock on a gun,
to stay on the topic of "violence control", a term I prefer to "gun
control".
And on the deepest, most philosophical level, the interaction between
machine and man suggests that we may already be in the process of
proufound changes, individually and as a culture, particularly due to
the information age economy and the internet revolution.
But also the transformation of our transportation systems, the
emergence of hybrid cars, the intelligent energy grid and green economy
- all these things may work together not only to save our society by
reducing CO2, but also in changing our core values, our cultural myths
and the grand narratives that bind us together and shapes our
consciousness.
The backlash from traditionalism
Some reports indicate that the Chinese people are ready for change, but
the message from Beijing so far has been that they want nothing to do
with change. They want status quo, because change is a threat to the
Communist Party.
The simple question is: Will the implementation of free market and
intensified communication and deeper relations to the West and to the
outside world in general cause a regime change in China?
The question is absurd, if you accept the premise that our systems -
essentially immaterial technologies - shape us. We cannot build or buy
or use a tool without being slightly altered, and as a society the
governing structure must change according to the requirements of the
culture beneath it.
What is a more urgent question is: Will it change into something... democratic?
Our experience in Europe and America has been somewhat traumatic. In
spite of enlightenment ideals, democratic constitutions and market
economy, the world was recently thrown into a couple of devastating
wars with scores of millions of victims. Western democracy had to fight
a battle to the death in order to preserve democracy.
So, it is natural that we perceive or imagine all kinds of monstrous
political systems rising within the context of industrialization and
information technology.
And it is healthy not to take democracy for granted.
Still, there are some reasons enough were ready to fight against the
counter-revolutionary movement of fascism. The fascist movement,
including Nazism, were essentially traditionalist or paleo-conservative
revolts against perceived decadence - the destruction of European and
Asian clans society.
Likewise, Islamic fundamentalism and the terrorist branch of it, are
last minute resorts of cultures in deep crisis. It is as far more an
internal battle between reformist forces and traditionalist forces in a
culture still dependent on the social infrastructure of clan society -
sometimes projecting its aggression on the perceived source of
disruption, the West.
The immunity defense of Ummah
Still, there are important differences between European fascism and
Islamic fundamentalism. First of all, Islam is a universal religion,
not a racist ideology. You can be Caucasian, Asian, African or Arab,
Persian or Indian, and you will still be counted as a Muslim if you
follow the creed.
That's obvious. Whether or not Islam is expansive, aggressive,
evangelizing, is not as important as whether or not Islam has a
function in the regions, where it is the predominant religion.
The aggresion of Islam is partly counter-active. In a sense Islam is a
very passive religion, far less occupied with recruitment than manic
Christianity. The violence is largely political, even if political
grievances are translated into anger about religious insult.
Thus Muslims are enraged by the humiliation and slaughter of
Palestinians, but the anger is focused on Sharon's infamous walk on the
Temple Mount. The terrorist attacks against European targets were about
our participation in the invastion of two countries in the Middle East,
just as 9/11 was about the US military presence in the region. But
religion is applied as a tool, a unifier and a system of interpretation
making complex political issues understandable to a largely
under-educated population.
Islam is not a virus, but rather the opposite: Islam serves as an
immunity system in the Middle East, a region so devastated by the
manipulations of former and current superpowers in the struggle for oil
it almost serves as justification for the fundamentalist wave. It is
like the Palestinian Intifada, which means a "shaking off", like a wild
horse would an insensitive horseman.
According to Biblical lore, the ancient Semitic legends that unifies
the members of the three major monotheistic religions against their
will, Arabs descend from Ishmael, the first son of Abraham (Ibrahim).
His brother was Isaac, who was allegedly subjected to attempted human
sacrifice by his father, but rescured by an angel.
The really interesting part is that Genesis prophesies that Ishmael
will become a tribe of 12 nations, just as the son of Isaac, Jacob, and
that his descendants will be like wild horses living across the land. I
have even met a Palestinian Muslim, who was aware of this odd passage
in the Bible, quoting it and claiming it to be true, proud of their
descendance and the characteristic as a rebellious people.
The end of history may not be democratic
The question to a modern, secular thinker is how to address, circumvent
or, if necessary, combat the fundamentalism. So far both USA and Europe
have struck out like Captain Ahab chasing the big white whale. I have
often predicted that the more the West pursues an aggressive policy
with the Islamic world, the worse they will fare. If persistent in
error, the West will be wiped out and all the people of the world
crippled along with it, while the Arab world will persevere.
It sounds unlikely, considering the nuclear arsenals of the West and
the limited military capacity of the Middle East, but there are other
things which may destroy a nation than military equipment. I use the
Moby Dick parable to try to enlighten Westerners to the fact that Islam
is an atavism, no different from other religions though as peculiar in
its construction as any other religion. You simply cannot counter
transnational and ethereal social systems in the same way you would a
military force.
Likewise with China: She has existed as a mega-civilization and a
power-house of invention for 5000 years. When Chairman Mao was asked
whether or not he thought the French Revolution was historically
significant, he famously replied:
"It is too early to tell."
That's called scope. If you deal with people who are habitual to long
term planning, you better better acknowlege your own limitations in
that regard, before you start looking for weaknesses in the opponent.
One of the books behind the crazed era of neo-conservatism under
President George W. Bush was Francis Fukuyama's "The End of History and
the Last Man", arguing that with no serious ideological rivals
democracy had won. Samuel Huntington's equally famous and infamous The
Clash of Civilizations was partly written in response, warning about
the existence of rival cultures.
Nations were formed by warriors
In order to understand international politics, you have to be fully
aware of the basic principles of the male psyche: It is wired to
struggle. It is as important an element of our existence as
beautification is to women. We begin in an early age, playing war and
provoking fights, later to practice it in ritualized forms like sports,
games and studies, until it is second nature and useful for
professional ambitions on the individual level and for the national
economy on the aggregate.
We are archaic beings in a modernized environment, but our main impetus
is the same. This also determines the way we choose to organize society
and the way we priorotize political tasks. Pressed beyond a certain
limit most men will kill without remorse, and pressed even further -
killing in self defence does not involve others - we may take furious.
Nations are inventions of men. This is not to say that women are
inferior, but historically the vast majority of women have been subdued
to men, just as you could say the vast majority of men have been
subdued to warlords and to their aristocrats, clerics and bureaucrats.
The future society may become supremely feminized, taking shape not
after geographical borders drawn by a ruler, but from the roundness of
the Earth.
But in this day and age nations are ruled by men or masculine values,
even when women are formally empowered by office. This means that any
nation or culture will vigorously defend itself agains threats, vainly
pursue glory in the eyes of the outside world by whatever means it
possesses, proudly bost achievements and if threatened or hampered
significantly, exact vengeance and even launch widespread, random
destruction in acts of compensation.
A few years ago China, through a general speaking "unofficially" on a
press conference with the Western press, threatened to wipe out the
American west coast with nuclear weapons, if she intervened in Chinese
matters such as the claim on Taiwan.
"We don't have the capacity to counter conventional attacks, so we
would have to answer aggression with nuclear weapons", the argument was.
When came to the retaliation, China had already calculated losses of millions of lives in specific regions.
The age of merchants and peace
With all this in mind, how then can I talk about a historical window of
opportunity to foster an era of global democracy? First of all I have
lived to see the end of The Cold War, after growing up in a political
climate so fearful of nuclear Holocaust children would have nightmares
about it. Secondly, I have seen the end of the conflict in Ireland and
England with IRA turning in their weapons, shutting down their militant
divisions and forming a legitimate political party.
Nothing is impossible.
But more importantly, the world has already changed in a number of ways
that facilitates this level of chage: Globalization has interwoven our
economies and our cultures, just as the financial crisis has exposed.
This, to me, is the positive side to the financial crisis: It will
force us to work together, to form new supranational entities, to build
bridges between cultures and to shape policies through cooperation.
It is a political imperative, further enchanced by global climate
change, by transnational terrorism and by the threat of natural
disasters and global pandemics alike. We have no other option, and the
development of cultures is shaped by such imperatives: People will
invent the solutions to the problems, if they are required for base
survival.
Immigration has made people of all ethnicities, nationalities and
creeds vulnerable to the same terrorist attacks. The global ICT
infrastructure has made everybody communicate with everybody, and I
cannot imagine the censorship department or electronical filter to
prevent increased interaction and the distribution of free speech and
critical thought. It is already done, and in spite of all conflicts, a
new universal loyalty will grow out of it.
Finally, according to the UN Human Security Report, the total number of
wars as well as the number of people killed in wars has dropped
dramatically over the past 50 years. In the same time the number of
democracies have grown significantly, making for only a minority of the
nations of the world to adopt formal democracy. There may be a lot of
reforms needed, but overall the world is growing more peaceful. In
spite of horrifying conflicts around the globe, in spite of hunger and
disease, the world is slowly moving in the right direction.
Paradoxically, I ascribe this to the fact that merchants have become
the de facto rulers of the world, which is historically unique. You may
say a lot of bad things about multinational corporations, about
lobbyism and bribery and corruption, business scandals and
commercialism and offshore accounts. You may invoke Bhopal and Enron,
but in the large historical perspective merchants have always in almost
every civilization been under the thumb of the martial clan. Warrior
culture has almost always dominated, sometimes supplemented or checked
by the clerical class, but today scientists shape our paradigms,
engineers construct our realities and the priorities of merchants rule
our governments.
What does that mean? It means that wars between nations have become
less frequent, simply because it is bad for business. Technically, this
is associated with two major events, one occurring in the faculty of
economy and one on the geopolitical scene. Modern theories of economics
have altered our perception of wealth. As we went from gold to
production economy the GDP became the rational indicator of the wealth
of a nation, rather than the amount of gold in its vaults or coins and
bills in circulation. Even if wars can briefly boost an economy, the
consensus is that wars are bad for economy.
That is the rationale behind the European Union. After a series of
devastating world wars triggered by European rivalry, following a long
history of feuds, Europe decided to form an internal alliance among the
nations in order to create wealth through increased productivity and
promote peace. The basis of success is very simple: The production
price of a unit is reduced the more you produce, and the volume is
determined by demand. With a larger market production costs went down
and profits went up. At the same time the nations established
codependency, not only because they needed access to each other's
markets, but because of increased division of labour. And, as Adam
Smith summarized in the opening of Wealth of Nations, division of
labour is the principle from which human societies have benefited the
most.
As a side-effect of co-dependency, European countries are reluctant to make war on each other. The untameable male urge to strive for splendour and dominance has been directed into professional pursuits.
It's not the MBA, it's survival, stupid
I started out slamming conservatives for cultural pessimism, when it
comes to the durability and marketability of Western principles as well
as when it comes to the changeability and adoptability of foreign
nations. In many cases, however, the right wing is easier to work with
than the left, particularly because of the widespread animosity against
corporations and the stock market exchange. This gives way to another
type of pessimism based on the worst assumptions about the entire
private sector based on whatever rotten apples you may find at any
given time.
It is as absurd to me to condemn the private sector as "the root of all
evil" as some right wing notions about a nightwatcher state - or no
formal government to interfere with people at all. Common sense that we
owe our material blessings to the industries that form the economic
backbone of any nation, and as much as we may like to criticize
commercialism and consumerism, we are quite reluctant to toss out our
television, refrigerator and cell phone to make our point. Likewise, we
owe our relative security to the government, whether or not we agree
with all its dispositions.
When it comes to globalization I have always been fully aware of the
inherent risks, the capacity for calamities in multinational
corporations when left to take care of public utilities, the inherent
corruption in many a business deal, the rampant lobbyism stealing away
influence of the people and the mandate below the politicians, the
sweat shops and the disregard for the worker's rights. Still I have
supported globalization for a number of reasons, mostly for the same
reason I support the European project: Increased codependency will
decrease the global potential for war.
It is not because commercial interests prevents people - business
partners can become enemies as well. It is because of codependency
implicates automatic and immediate catastrophic loss, if you switch
abruptly from cooperation to hostility. The entire globalized market
system is damaged, and sanction is distributed to all players. It's a
game theory analysis, not an idealistic dream based on confidence in
human nature or the better nature of the particular class of people
with more than average economic insight.
Also, my personal experience is that there are redeeming features to
the corporate environment. It is far more meritocratic and less
authoritarian than for instance the academic invironment or the
bureaucracies. Creativity and ideas are actually rewarded, if you are
persistent and capable of accepting the need to wrap everything in a
delightful packaging. As an immigrant of Asian origin I have
experienced racism in corporate environments, but far less than in any
other environment, simply because it is bad business: Racism hinders
you from achieving your maximum potential. It alienates you from
valuable human ressources. It cuts you off from markets. During the
Muhammed Cartoon crisis the most prudent actors in Europe were Danish
companies with significant financial interest in the Middle East.
Sometimes trying to make another buck can bring out the best in you, not the worst.
The fourth and final installment in this series is about the way industrialization has changed the way society organizes its bodies, and how globalization will transform it once more, moving the epi-centre of our internal model of the world into the core of the Earth.